Sarwono Kusumaatmadja describes the tactics he employed to accomplish political change and governance reform in the many positions he held in Indonesia’s government. In the first part of the interview, he provides frank and revealing insights into the political tactics he used to reduce military influence and achieve party change as secretary-general of the dominant Golkar party before the fall of the Suharto government in 1998. In the second section, he reports on eight priorities he adopted as state minister for administrative reform in the new government: improvement of public services, merit-based appointments, analysis of civil service positions, functional rather than structural job assignments and professionalization of career paths, improved compensation, increased training, manuals for each position, and decentralization (regional autonomy). He describes the political tactics he used to achieve results, particularly in the Civil Service Administration Agency, the Civil Service Training Agency, and the Ministry of Education. In the third part of the interview he reports on the practical tactics and politics he used as minister of the environment to crack down on pollution by businesses with close ties to the president and other political leaders. He describes how he used NGOs, international financial institutions, and pressure from Indonesian clients (including the military) to achieve results. In the fourth section, he describes his role in ending the Suharto government and describes his brief tenure as minister for marine and fisheries. He provides practical and frank accounts of his approach to hiring and firing personnel, as well as his personal views on ethics for public officials.
At the time of this interview, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja was a member of the Council of Regional Representatives, the highest legislative body in Indonesia. He entered politics and the Golkar party in 1970, rising to become secretary-general of the party. After the fall of the Suharto government in 1998, he was named state minister for administrative reform. In later governments, he served as minister of environment and minister for marine and fisheries.
Muhammad A.S. Hikam describes constitutional and governance reforms and efforts to build a civil society in Indonesia since 1998. A member of the Hanura (People’s Conscience) political party, a former member of the Indonesian Parliament, and a former state minister for research and technology, he explains that prior to Indonesia’s financial crisis in 1988 and the collapse of the Suharto government, civil society in Indonesia was “corporatist”; that is, that except for the Nahdlatul Ulama (Islamic Scholars Awakening) Party, all civil society organizations and political parties were controlled by the state. In 1998, it was recognized that a strengthened civil society was the only avenue to challenge the overwhelming power of the state. The result was a flowering of as many as 100,000 civil society organizations and 38 political parties. However, nearly all came into being without the capacity or understanding to pursue their roles effectively. Many were based on ethnic or identity interests and did not know how to relate to the political life of the country. The challenge was to train civil and political society to find synergies between interests and needs. Without that, governmental reform has been, and will continue to be, a patchwork, he says. He discusses the successes and shortcomings of reforms in four principal areas: changing the constitution to reduce state domination, opening the political process to opposition parties, removing the military from politics and placing civilian control over the police and armed forces, and decentralizing government and ceding some autonomy to the regions. These efforts have proceeded without regard for capacity building, he says. As a result, poorer regions simply establish regional governments funded by the central government without developing their own capabilities. Hikam stresses that economic development is essential if regional autonomy is to work.
At the time of this interview, Muhammad A.S. Hikam was a member of the Hanura (Hari Nurani Rakyat or People’s Conscience) political party and a senior adviser to the consulting firm of Kiroyan Kuhon Partners in Jakarta. He first joined the government in 1983 as a researcher with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences. From 1999 to 2001, he was minister for research and technology, and from 2004 to 2007 was a member of Parliament’s House of Representatives. He received his undergraduate education at Gadjah Mada University in 1981 and received master’s degrees in communications and political science and a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Hawaii in 1995.
Mangosuthu Buthelezi, describes his role as a political party leader in apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa. As leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) in apartheid South Africa, he opposed creation of his home region as an independent “homeland.” His goal was to attempt reform from within by remaining within the Union of South Africa. He opposed the imposition of sanctions by the international community and the armed struggle espoused by the African National Congress. He and his party at first refused to take part in elections after the apartheid regime relinquished power, but then agreed to participate in the elections, in government, and in drafting the constitution. He was and remains a staunch advocate of a federal system of government with significant provincial autonomy. He describes his reasons, and provides examples of actions he took as a leader in Kwazulu-Natal.
At the time of this interview, Mangosuthu Buthelezi had been a member of parliament from the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) since 1994. Following the elections after the apartheid regime relinquished power, Buthelezi served as minister of affairs and, during President Mandela’s absence, as acting president of South Africa. A member of the Zulu royal family, he became involved in liberation politics after his studies at Fort Hare University in 1950. He returned home in 1953 to assume chieftainship of the Buthelezi clan. As traditional prime minister of the Zulu nation, Buthelezi also holds the title Undunankulu Ka Zulu. He was named chief executive officer of the Kwazulu Territorial Authority in 1970. He organized the IFP in 1975 with support of the African National Congress (ANC). In 2004, President Mbeki offered Buthelezi the Deputy Presidency. Because this meant the IFP would lose its political position in Kwazulu-Natal, Buthelesze refused and the IFP left the unity government.